The Kurdistan Region of Iraq
The State of Electoral Democracy in the Kurdistan Region
The Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) has seen multiple delays in holding elections since October 2022, the date originally scheduled for the sixth Parliamentary elections. This series of delays is the result of the unique political system of the Kurdistan Region; a system that is plagued by a high degree of party-centric polarization and a correspondingly low sense of common purpose. Looking at the Kurdish political landscape today, it would be hard not to see Kurdistan Region’s declining commitment to democracy. In particular, the inability of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to conduct elections in a timely manner. The inherent lack of urgency exhibited by political parties helps reinforce the argument that democracy in the region is regressing in every respect. This is particularly evident when the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), at the behest of major political parties, or in response to their influence, kept delaying the KRI Parliamentary elections several times until consensus was reached for October the 20th 2024.
Set Election Dates That Were Later Postponed
- October 2022
- November 2023
- February 2024
- June 2024
The question is whether the principles of democracy can be reconciled with the ongoing postponement of elections in the KRI. Determining the health of the KRI democracy requires an understanding of how political parties and elections function in democratic systems. Simultaneously, the dynamics of voter performance and perception impact the electoral system altogether. The sections of this Election 2024 platform provide clarity regarding the electoral cycle and the election process in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. These sections include the following main topics: (1) the election system; (2) the dynamics of political parties; (3) voter preference and perception; and (4) the relevant rules and amendments to the Election Law in the KRI.
Setting public policy and implementing political changes catered to the needs of the local constituencies are two of the primary purposes of elections in democratic systems.
Functions of Elections in Democracies
Setting public policy and implementing political changes catered to the needs of the local constituencies are two of the primary purposes of elections in democratic systems. In this regard, political parties assume a crucial function throughout the electoral process, as they nominate candidates who subsequently assume the positions of government officials and are the main incubators for policy formulation. On the other hand, elections serve as a practical anti-corruption process that effectively keeps these elected officials from becoming corrupt.
By means of democratic elections, the number of political parties eligible for representation and thus participation in government is determined. In the absence of elections, the democratic participation of political parties in government and their role in electoral processes cannot be precisely measured or determined. The most critical element of an election is how far from the underlying rules of the electoral system affect the practice of democracy in each setting. To fully understand and assess democracy, it is critical to research elections, electoral systems, and how they impact political parties and the type and standard of representation. Given that elections are merely a moment in a larger electoral cycle, it is crucial that the general public understands what an electoral cycle consists of (as described in Section 3).
Given that elections are merely a moment in a larger electoral cycle, it is crucial that the general public understands what an electoral cycle consists of.
The Electoral Cycle
Pre-Electoral Period
- PLANNING
- Budget & funding
- Staff recruitment
- Electoral calendar & operational work-plans
- Logistics & security
- Procurement
- TRAINING
- Develop procedures
- Operational training for electoral officials
- INFORMATION
- Voter & civic education
- Stakeholder liaison
- Observer accreditation
- REGISTRATION
- Party financing
- Party registration
- Voter registration
Electoral Period
- NOMINATION
- Candidates
- Codes of conduct
- Print & distribute ballot papers
- CAMPAIGN
- Campaign coordination
- Dispute resolution
- VOTING
- Special & external voting
- RESULTS
- Counting
- Results tabulation
- Complaints & appeals
- Official results
Post-Electoral Period
- STRATEGY
- Institutional strengthening & professional development
- Voter register update
- Networking
- Electoral system & boundaries
- REFORM
- EMB reform
- Archiving & research
- Legal reform proposals
- REVIEW
- Audits and Evalution
Electoral Processes help to educate voters by setting common agendas, defining the issues, articulating alternatives and options, and engaging in competition with others on the best way forward.
Four Principal Functions of Elections
- Legitimization: The legitimacy of ruling elites in a democracy is ideally conferred through “free and fair” or “clean” electoral processes that are free of corruption, intimidation or restricted choice.
- Exercising Accountability: It is through electoral processes that leaders are “held to account” by the people, for providing security and fostering development- or providing critical goods and services, such as a stable environment for economic development.
- Choosing Representatives: Constructing ideas of “representation” is at the core of electoral processes in that they articulate visions of inclusion and exclusion in the political community, and its common values, purposes and goals.
- Exercising Voice, Aggregating Preferences: Electoral processes give meaning to the principles of political equality and popular control in democracy. In ideal conditions, they also help to “educate” the voter by setting common agendas, defining the issues, articulating alternatives and options, and engaging in competition with others on the best way forward.
How to Assess an Electoral Process?
- Ease of Voting: the ability of qualifying citizens to register, become candidates and participate in voting should be as barrier-free as possible.
- Eligibility of Political Parties and Candidates: Nominations, democracy within political parties, and official determination of candidacies must be fair, transparent and consistent with democratic principles.
- The Process of Campaigning: Although campaigns are often extremely divisive precisely because elections are designed to be competitive, it is important for candidates and parties to define what they are and what they believe, but also what they do not represent or believe.
- Electoral Management Body (EMB): An effective electoral commission (management body) is critical for ensuring a credible and, to the extent possible, free and fair election.
Electoral System Rules
The rules and the laws under which elections are held are among the most important factors in any electoral system. The way in which the votes of citizens are aggregated to produce overall winners depends on the type of electoral system applicable within a certain geographic location. It is essential for voters to understand that each electoral system involves certain trade-offs (i.e. the principle of majority rule is at odds with the principle of inclusivity). Thus, the most important finding regarding electoral systems is that “no electoral system can maximize all the desirable outcomes or produce a cohesive, responsive government.” What is important to know is that the electoral system is the formula by which votes are aggregated in a democracy to determine the winners and losers of seats in an assembly or office holding.
Based on the principle of proportionality, the Proportional Representation (PR) system is in use in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Given that electoral systems are to be consciously designed to fit the country or context, the proportional representation electoral system is a good fit for the KRI since the main advantage of the PR system is that they can contribute to inclusive politics and facilitate minority representation.
However, an inherent disadvantage of the PR system is that it creates incentives for the proliferation of political parties, leading to messy and often protracted coalition negotiations that, in turn, lead to non-cohesive governments. This is why the choice of electoral system has strong implications for the system of political parties that evolves in a certain geographical location, as discussed in the section below. Nonetheless, in the evaluation of any system or party, it is important to understand how identity interacts with other factors such as culture, patronage, class or economic conditions as a mobilizing force in electoral politics.
The rules and the laws under which elections are held are among the most important factors in any electoral system.
KRI Electoral System
Voting System: Party List Proportional Representation (List-PR)
What is Party List Proportional Representation?
The list-PR is a sub-set of proportional representation electoral system. The participating parties in this electoral system present their lists of candidates to be elected and seats are distributed by elections authorities to each party in proportion to the number of votes the party receives.
Voting method in Party List election: Semi-Open List (voters are presented with a ballot with the option to vote for a candidate or a party).
Appointment of Party Seats: Sainte-Laguë method
Number of constituencies: 4 constituencies (based on number of provinces in the KRI)
How does the Sainte-Laguë electoral formula work?
The Sainte-Laguë method is the equation that decides how the seats are allocated to the parties. The votes are divided by odd divisors starting from 1.7, 3, 5, 7, etc. Even though absolute proportionality cannot be guaranteed, this method slightly improves proportionality between parties and is more favorable to smaller parties.
What about independent candidates?
Party lists, as the name suggests, are based on the idea of political parties, so independent candidates must create a “party list” of one. If they win more votes than they need to get elected, these votes are wasted.
In Party List systems, seats in parliament closely match how many votes each party receives, but there is often a weaker constituency link.
Elections Background in the KRI: 1992-2018
Number of elections held: 5
Parliament periods: 9
Applicable election law: Election Law no.1 1992
Amendment: 7 times
Number of allocated seats: 111
Current Data for KRI 2024 Parliamentary Elections
Number of eligible voters: 3,789,360 (three million seven hundred eighty-nine thousand three hundred sixty).
Number of first-time voters: 60,000 (sixty thousand)
Number of allocated seats: 100 parliamentary seats (as per Iraqi Federal Supreme Court amendments of February 2024)
Role of Political Parties in Electoral Democracy
In the Kurdistan Region, an assessment of the democratic system necessitates an understanding of the political parties’ functions. This can be done by analyzing the effects the electoral system rules have on the system of party politics. It is important to note that the effects of electoral systems on party systems change in relation to the state of democracy in a particular geographical region. For instance, in consolidated democracies, more stable and consistent party systems are seen compared to the democratizing countries, which have more fluid systems and less institutionalized parties. However, understanding the effects of the electoral rules in political party dynamics will help voters understand the degree of influence political parties can exert on the political process through elections.
Three Foundational Effects the Structure of Electoral Rules Have on the System of Party Politics:
- Candidate and party behavior: Contestants in elections usually have a fair understanding of how the rules of the political structure are structured. And in many ways campaigns and mobilization efforts are about seeking to maximize vote share within the rules. Candidates and parties are acutely aware of what it takes to “win” and they may change their behavior or choices in relation to this strategy. Efforts to “engineer” electoral systems may be geared to affect the ways candidates or parties may behave in relation to the rules.
- The timing, nature and scope of political coalitions: While in plurality systems, coalitions are often forged in campaigns and the run-up to elections, in which voters are presented with a stark choice of national programs, in PR systems coalition negotiations typically happen after an election event.
- Cultivating Certain Voting Behavior: Electoral laws may have unintended consequences, such as promoting strategic voting behavior or “gaming” the system. Voters may cast ballots that are strategic voting for another candidate or party first, in order to affect the overall outcome by preventing a less desired candidate or party from winning. Strategic voting behavior can engender an overall feeling of mistrust in the political system; strategic voting can become problematic in a democracy when it leads to outcomes that are perceived as illegitimate or that undermine the will of clear majorities.
How to Evaluate Political Parties?
Since the evolution of political parties, political scientists have attempted to develop “Political Party Evaluation Criteria” to measure party performance while also understanding the dynamics, constellation, and inner workings of party systems in electoral systems. Giving a new organizational framework for political parties, as classified by a study in 2003 as 15 common types of parties, led to the development of three evaluative criteria for political parties, which include:
- Whether they are elite-based (leader or leadership-centered), or mass-based;
- Whether their programmatic orientation is around ideology or identity
- Whether they are tolerant and pluralistic or hegemonic
The electoral culture in the KRI is preoccupied with political parties rather than being candidate-centric or policy-oriented.
Political Parties in the KRI: History and Current Stances
Political parties command significant influence over the electoral system in the KRI due to the fact that they are the focal point of attention during elections in the region. Put simply, the electoral culture in the KRI is preoccupied with political parties rather than being candidate-centric or policy-oriented. This is mainly an attribution to the Kurdish nationality sentiment in the Kurdistan Region historically considering themselves part of the broader Kurdish national movements, which is expressed through political parties. A sense of belonging to the political parties equals a deep-rooted patriotism for the Kurds of Iraqi Kurdistan. Since the history of political parties in the KRI goes along with that narrative- as they align themselves with the broader Kurdish nationalist movements, which emerged roughly after WWI, political parties in the KRI have enjoyed popular support from the populace.
The Emergence of the Kurdistan Regional Government (1992)
The oldest political party in the KRI was founded in 1946, Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). As for modern Kurdish political parties in the KRI, most of them emerged after WWII, such the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) in 1975, after the defeat of the Kurds in the 1974-75 revolt. With a rich history of political activities, the KDP and PUK remain the main political parties and historic rivals within the KRI political system with their respective support-bases, often divided along geographic boundaries. In 1992, after the first Gulf War and the establishment of the No-Fly Zone by the United Nations, the Kurds declared a semi-autonomous region and held the first democratic election independent of the Central Government of Iraq. By an alliance of political parties, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) was established in 1992.
From right to left, the colored boxes are:
- Yellow: Kurdistan Democratic Party
- Blue: Kurdistan Socialist and PASOK (Unity list)
- Half green, half red: People’s List
- Red: Democratic Union of Kurdistan, Communists and Independents
- Half Green, half white with a Black crescent: Islamic
- Half red, half white: Independent Democracy Seekers
- Green: Patriotic Union of Kurdistan and Kurdistan Toilers’ Party
Voters are instructed to select one of the boxes by marking the box with a pen. The ballot was prepared by the High Board of Kurdistan National Assembly Elections.
KRI Political Parties and the Electoral Rules:
With a high voter turnout of 87.4%, the first election ever held in the KRI meant more than just an election. It would establish the baseline for the way elections are perceived by the public and political actors. Elections, although claimed to be held democratically, do not play a crucial role in determining policies or reflecting on local constituencies’ demands. Worst, the outcomes of democratic elections are compromised when dominant parties, such as the KDP and the PUK, exert influence over the electoral system from their respective spheres of influence in the KRI. Nevertheless, the extensive sway that one party maintains in the KRI’s political system can occasionally have adverse consequences, as it may infuriate the other and result in a state of political stalemate. Currently, the neck-to-neck battles between the KDP and PUK have resulted in a paralyzed political system in the KRI and consequently elections being delayed several times due to both parties intervening in setting an election date or disagreeing on the rules of the election, such as the election law.
Disagreements Over the KRI Electoral System:
KDP-PUK‘s long-running disagreement over the parliamentary elections, centers around 3 main issues:
- Electoral Law Amendments: Except for the KDP, demand for a new wave of amendments in the KRI electoral law has been officially supported by political parties’ representatives in parliament.
- Change of the Number of Constituencies: PUK and other parties have pushed for four constituencies for the upcoming parliamentary elections, to which KDP has explicitly opposed.
- Removal of the 11 Minority Seats: The PUK initiated legal proceedings at the FSC, to challenge the status quo that the 11 minority seats in practice belong to the KDP. This is because the 11 minority seats are considered as a free pass for the KDP and a guarantee for its success in the KRI parliamentary elections to which all political parties in the KRI political system consider it unfair.
Why did Iraq’s Federal Supreme Court intervene in the KRI electoral system?
Taking these policy issues regarding the electoral system into consideration, the PUK-KDP disagreement has been upended by the recent rulings from the Iraqi Federal Supreme Court (FSC). The FSC, for the first time in the history of the court, has issued rulings over the KRI Electoral system. This comes after several legal cases that the PUK, the New Generation (NG), and possibly other parties from the KRI to push for the amendment of the KRI Electoral rules. The KRI parliament’s inability to pass legislation before it was formally dissolved due to its term expiring, left the KRI in a legal void. This is the reason the FSC became involved and took action on legal actions that relevant parties have brought before the Court. The FSC issued two verdicts on February 21, 2024, and May 21, 2024, that significantly impact the nature of the KRI electoral system, including:
February 21 Rulings:
1. By reducing the number of parliamentary seats from 111 to 100, reserved quotas for the Turkmen, Armenian, and Christian minorities will be effectively eliminated.
2. Reorganizing the electoral system from a single large constituency to four constituencies.
3. Dissolution of the Kurdistan Region Electoral Commission
4. Revocation of the amendment to the law governing parliamentary elections in Kurdistan must be revoked.
May 21 Ruling:
5. Minorities will be allocated five seats out of the one hundred seats allotted to the KRI parliament by the Election Judiciary Board of the Iraqi Federal Supreme Court.
As per the information disclosed by the Iraqi High Electoral Commission concerning the distribution of seats by province in the KRI, the total number of minority seats is as follows:
Historical Background of Elections in the Kurdistan Region
No. of Elections Held | Name of Political Parties (highest to lowers votes earned) | Percentage of Votes Earned | No. of Seats Won |
19/5/1992 | Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) | 45.5% | 50 |
Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and Kurdistan Toiler’s Party | 43.61% | 50 | |
Minorities | 5% | 5 | |
30/1/2005 | The Democratic Patriotic Alliance of Kurdistan (DPAK):
| 89.55% | 104 |
The Kurdistan Islamic Group (KIG) | 4.86% | 6 | |
Kurdistan Toiler’s Party and Independents | 1.17% | 1 | |
25/7/2009 | Kurdistani List: (KDP-PUK coalition) | 57.37% | 58 |
Goran Movement | 23.72% | 25 | |
Justice and Service List: (The Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU), The Kurdistan Islamic Group (KIG), Socialist Democratic Party of Kurdistan, Kurdistan Toiler’s Party) | 12.84% | 16 | |
Kurdistan Islamic Movement | 1.45% | 2 | |
Freedom and Social Justice List (communist) | 0.80% | 1 | |
TDM list (Turkmen Democratic Movement) | 1.45% | 3 | |
CSAPC (National Council of Assyrians, | 0.58% | 3 | |
Rafidain List (Assyrian Democratic Movement) | 0.3% | 2 | |
Turkmen Reform | 0.38% | 1 | |
Independent Aramnian (Aram Shaheen Dawd) | 0.22% | 1 | |
Erbil Turkmen List (Turkmen Party of Erbil) | 0.21% | 1 | |
21/9/2013 | KDP | 38 | |
Goran | 24 | ||
PUK | 18 | ||
The Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU) | 10 | ||
The Kurdistan Islamic Group (KIG) | 6 | ||
Rafidain List | 2 | ||
National Council of Assyrians, Kldanian, and Christians | 2 | ||
Turkmen Progress List (Peshkawtni Turkmani) | 2 | ||
Kurdistan Islamic Movement | 1 | ||
Socialist List | 1 | ||
Freedom List | 1 | ||
Third Direction List | 1 | ||
Erbil Turkmen List | 1 | ||
Turkmen Change and Renewal List | 1 | ||
Iraqi Turkmen Front List | 1 | ||
Abna Al-Nahrin List | 1 | ||
Armanian List | 1 | ||
30/9/2018 | KDP | 43.6% | 45 |
PUK | 20.3% | 21 | |
Goran | 13.2% | 13 | |
New Generation | 8.6% | 8 | |
The Kurdistan Islamic Group (KIG) | 7.3% | 7 | |
The Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU) and Kurdistan Islamic Movement List | 5.9% | 6 | |
Sardam Coalition (Kurdistan Toiler’s Party, Kurdistan Social Democratic Party, Kurdistan Democratic National Union Party) | 1.1% | 1 | |
Turkmen Development List (Turkmen Reform List) | 2 | ||
Erbil Turkmen | 1 | ||
Turkmen Change and Renewal | 1 | ||
Iraqi Turkmen Front | 1 | ||
Turkmen Democratic Movement | 3 | ||
Assyrian Democratic Movement | 2 | ||
Chaldean Syriac Assyrian Popular Council | 2 | ||
Sons of Mesopotamia (Abnaolnahrain List) | 1 | ||
Berunt Nissan Markos (Irwant Nissan Marcos) | 1 |
State of Local Representation in the KRI Electoral System
In a sense, the list-PR does not fully guarantee fair geographical representation, especially when the electoral voting system is “one big constituency.” The KRI electoral system, before the Federal Supreme Court of Iraq unilaterally amended the election law in February 2024, consisted of only one big constituency. After the FSC amendment to the electoral law, the electoral system now consists of four constituencies divided across the four provinces: Sulaymaniyah, Erbil, Duhok, and Halabja. For true and fair representation. This is a positive step towards greater proportionality, especially at local levels.
During the last parliamentary elections in 2018, as the electoral system consisted of only one constituency, the number of districts and subdistricts that locally were represented in Parliament were only 21 out of 135 districts and subdistricts in the KRI. Leaving 114 districts and sub-districts without representation meant ignoring local issues from these regions and thus leading to gaps in policy pertinent to the local constituencies. Inherently, the advantage of smaller constituencies (in this case 4 constituencies) is that Members of Parliament (MPs) are closer to local issues, as the different areas (districts and subdistricts) have different issues and thus require certain policies that directly address the region-specific issues.
Role of the Electorate in the KRI
One of the basic design elements of democracy is that voters (1) know what they want, (2) can identify what policies will help them get what they want, (3) and vote for candidates who pursue such policies and deliver results. In reality, Kurdish voters in the Kurdistan Region are driven primarily by partisan identities. In simple terms, Kurdish voters’ policy preferences are shaped by their partisan identities rather than independent thought and stance on any particular issue. Despite the inherent nature of this problem in democracies (namely, voters being ignorant of their preferences), the KRI is not only afflicted by voter ignorance but also by an absence of a policy-focused culture during elections. The equation is simple to understand: most KRI voters do not have policy priorities that they can organize their political identities around. Put simply, the Kurdish electorate exhibits either a complete lack of interest in political reform or change through the electoral process, or they readily associate themselves with a particular political party without deliberating on the issues that the party advocates.
Voters and Policymaking in the KRI
Even if the voters that identify with a political party have a set of policy preferences, they do not know how to hold the candidates they vote for accountable. This is because the electoral system of proportional representation is not representative enough. Voters’ inconsistency on specific issues is another problem in KRI elections. Sometimes voters are completely unaware of the most pressing issues they should prioritize, such as environmental and health-related issues in the KRI.
Profiling policy issues demographically is an important first step in setting a trustworthy scale to measure policy performance of political parties and candidates in the KRI. Simple questions like what policy issues voters care about combined with what they should also care about could factor into understanding the aggregate policy preferences of voters which is highly important to challenge the apathy, mistrust, and skepticism felt by voters in the Kurdistan Region. In addition, the KRI electorate could play a significant role in shaping policy decisions when they are informed about how the government handles policymaking.
Enhancing Voter Participation
Voters are encouraged to participate in elections when the policy decisions are not isolated from their control as citizens. However, in the KRI, voting is to ensure the “win” for a political party rather than a “win for a policy or an MP” that will lead a favorable policy change. Not only that, subsequent cabinets of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) were/are not exactly transparent for how the government addresses policymaking and why some issues are prioritized in terms of policymaking while other issues are not.
For example, in 2014, the Rand Corporation published a research paper concluding that the KRG has a set of policy priorities that were aimed at putting the KRG on a stable path of growth and development. Even though the paper mentions that the policy priorities outlined are the result of a meeting with KRG officials, no indications are made as to how these policies are derived from the chronic demands of the local population of the KRI.
Priority Number | Policy Priorities |
1 | Improving the condition and regulation of the public sector |
2 | Combating financial and administrative corruption |
3 | Eliminating unnecessary bureaucracy and improving public services |
4 | Strengthening defense capability and security |
5 | Establishing transparency in economic fields |
6 | Reforming health, medical, and food sectors |
7 | Ensuring accountability and justice for all |
8 | Preventing tax embezzlement and reforming the tax system |
9 | Preventing government officials from exploiting their positions for personal gain |
10 | Preventing the formation of monopolies and promoting fair trade competition |
Election Awareness
Information Integrity in Elections
In 2024, some 2 billion people in 72 countries, about half the world’s adult population, have the chance to vote, far more in one year than ever before, according to UNDP. Voters must have the right to access accurate, timely and trustworthy information about the electoral process and candidates before casting their ballots. But this significant electoral year takes place against a backdrop of highly polluted information environment. With new and emerging threats, there are growing concerns about the dissemination of false and misleading content online and offline to sway outcomes, confuse or dissuade voters, heighten polarization, and delegitimize electoral processes. On a more fundamental level, these efforts can undermine the very systems of governance that are sustained through elections.
Led by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and governed by six member organizations, the Action Coalition on Information Integrity in Elections (the ‘Action Coalition’) is a global platform which brings together experts from electoral support organizations, the private sector, the United Nations (UN), government agencies and civil society. The following sections derived most of its findings and insights from the UNDP’s Action Coalition on Information Integrity in Elections.
Election Information Sphere in the Kurdistan Region
In the Kurdistan Region, information pollution reaches unprecedented levels during election season as a result of a largely unregulated information sphere. False information, which manifests as dis/misinformation, and sometimes malinformation, poses a significant threat to electoral integrity. Dis/misinformation disrupt the functioning of electoral processes, often accompanied by threats and online harassment of election officials, candidates, voters, journalists who cover elections and electoral observers as well as fact-checkers who monitor them. This directly impacts trust in the democratic process of elections, the Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs), politicians and the media at large. This is the point at which the need to inform, educate, and persuade the public arises, not only to enable them to exercise their right to vote but also to critically evaluate the information they consume daily. In the same way that political elites and mass media engage in disinformation (purposeful manipulation) and misinformation (unintended) campaigns to intentionally disseminate misleading information, voters play a critical role in facilitating the spread of election dis/misinformation. Protecting the integrity of election information is the responsibility of all segments of society equally. Voters should be the first to establish barriers against election dis/misinformation, as they are the most susceptible to the consequences of misleading information and the potential compromise of their votes.
However, the answer to the question of how voters can build barriers against election dis/misinformation is not simple, especially when voters are vulnerable to the weaponization of information by political actors, the media, and others including external actors. The question is, what happens when voters become the agents of election dis/misinformation? In the context of Iraqi Kurdistan elections, voters unknowingly engage in spreading dis/misinformation in a variety of ways. Given the highly politicized nature of elections in the Kurdistan Region, it is important to notice how voters participate in the electoral process based on their political affiliations. Examining voters’ political affiliations can be a means of determining their involvement in the dissemination of dis/misinformation. Voters’ political affiliations coupled with their general lack of awareness regarding the importance of protecting the integrity of election information are the two fundamental factors in the polluted KRI information sphere during election seasons. Here is why fostering information integrity in election is important:
Protecting the integrity of election information is crucial for several reasons:
- Ensuring democratic legitimacy: elections are a fundamental mechanism through which citizens express their will and select their representatives. The integrity of election information ensures that this process accurately reflects the voters’ intentions, thereby legitimizing the elected officials and the government.
- Maintaining public trust: public confidence in the electoral process is essential for the stability and functioning of a democracy. When voters believe that elections are free, fair, and transparent, they are more likely to accept the results and engage positively with the political system.
- Preventing conflict: election-related dis/misinformation can incite violence, unrest, and division. By ensuring accurate and reliable information, the risk of conflict is minimized, promoting peace & social cohesion.
- Supporting informed decision-making: voters rely on accurate information to make informed choices about candidates and policies. Dis/misinformation can distort this decision-making process, leading to outcomes that do not genuinely reflect the voters’ preferences.
- Upholding Human Rights: free and fair elections are a cornerstone of democratic governance and Human Rights. Protecting the integrity of election information is part of ensuring that all citizens can exercise their right to vote without manipulation or coercion.
Correlation Between Voter Dis/misinformation and Existing, Emerging Challenges
1. New, affordable tactics available to anyone
State and non-state actors, international actors, Public Relations Firms, and others running disinformation campaigns can access increasingly advanced and affordable tools aimed at disrupting the information ecosystem. These actors can target electoral processes from almost anywhere in the world.
2. Political micro-targeted messaging
Tech companies’ advertising and promotion services can be easily exploited to target specific groups with tailored messaging. Political actors and their affiliates can now use micro-targeted advertising to sway the political views of precisely defined groups based on a wide range of criteria such as political tendency, location, gender, and ethnicity. In this way, micro-targeting allows political actors to send different sets of messages to different groups. They can also aim to manipulate voters with misleading messages, including actively discouraging those who may oppose them from voting at all. The content of these micro-ads is generally poorly regulated.
3. Manipulation for hire: public relations, strategic communications, and ‘creative’ agencies
The increasing demand for control over online narratives has created a burgeoning “dark or negative PR” industry seeking to gain profit by deploying manipulative practices and spreading information pollution through digital and mainstream media, often on behalf of political actors. These loosely titled “creative” agencies or public relations companies are working as “guns for hire,” sowing discord and seeding false narratives. These agencies can rapidly deploy online tactics to influence public opinion, harass individuals or push political agendas in both developed and developing countries. This growing industry works with political actors, and national or foreign governments to further their aims, while providing sufficient distance from direct campaigning and allowing for plausible deniability of involvement. Once again, developing conflict and post-conflict states, lacking capacity to effectively respond, are proving ready markets for those who seek to manipulate the information landscape in search of profit. The often-shadowy actions of these companies also increase the challenge for governments and EMBs to ensure transparency of political campaign financing.
4. Gendered disinformation
Gendered disinformation is actively discouraging participation of women in elections and in public life more broadly. Online attacks, disinformation and harassment are disproportionately targeted towards women candidates, electoral officials, and journalists. Gender-focused attacks are part of a larger strategy to discredit elections but too often result in shutting down women’s voices and democratic participation, especially online.
5. Underinvestment by social media companies
Social media and other large internet companies deprioritize non-strategic markets- often less developed countries- by investing far less in enforcing policies to counter harmful content and practices. This manifests in the lack of capacity to monitor local languages, a poor understanding of context and a general lack of response and oversight. Engaging with social media companies is challenging due to inaccessible and siloed structures, unclear or constantly evolving internal guidelines and a general lack of transparency regarding policies. More recently, public policy teams serving developing regions have been decimated by job losses and a reduction in departmental headcount. This has left many countries with little to no protection against the widespread production and dissemination of harmful content online.
6. The rise of messaging apps
The increased prevalence of private or semi-private messaging apps, such as WhatsApp, Meta Messenger, Telegram, Viber- many with encrypted end-to-end connectivity- poses new challenges for efforts to stem information pollution. In these more private spaces, people are more likely to trust those sharing information as they have some connection to them. As such, receivers of polluted information are more likely to believe the information and, therefore, share the content with their networks in real life and across platforms. Organized influence campaigns increasingly use private and semi-private messaging platforms, where oversight is limited and content moderation almost impossible.
7. Role of “influencers”
Online influencers are increasingly promoting narratives and messages in support of political actors. These individuals, with sometimes massive online followings and significant influence, can call into question the integrity of election mechanisms, or levy accusations of fraud or misfeasance about routine electoral processes (e.g., the trustworthiness of voting machines). Influencers can also work to persuade voters to distrust official sources of information and independent media while seeking to promote polarized information sources, effectively nudging voters to engage with parallel alternative information networks.
8. State responses that violate Human Rights
State legislative and non-legislative responses to disinformation are increasingly at odds with fundamental Human Rights. These include heavy-handed regulation, internet shutdowns, repressive cybercrime laws, and the surveillance of journalists, civil society organizations and Human Rights defenders can be used to effectively silence critical voices and opposition candidates during electoral periods. This muzzling of information and opinion infringes the right to freedom of expression and assembly and access to information.
9. Weakened legacy media
The importance of independent traditional media in elections remains a core consideration, especially in countries where television and radio particularly remain valued sources of information. However, traditional media outlets face several interlinked challenges to their financial sustainability and credibility. The media industry has been greatly undermined in recent years, largely due to the diversion of advertising revenue to online platforms. Local and community media are particularly vulnerable to these market forces, creating dangerous information gaps at the local level. This has resulted in a number of detrimental knock-on effects. Facing shrinking revenue, independent media can be forced to make drastic cuts to staffing and capacity or rely on the patronage of business and political elites. State-owned and public media remain poorly funded and therefore more susceptible to government and other pressures to skew electoral coverage. This is especially true of political reporting, which can be seen as a high risk undertaking in volatile contexts due to threats of harm as well as malicious legal action directed against journalists and media outlets. Harassment, attacks and killings of journalists and subsequent impunity for these crimes have been increasing over the past several years and is particularly problematic during elections.
These structural challenges are leading to lower salaries, diminished professional status, limited opportunities for advancement, and high personal risk for journalists. They have also resulted in media intentionally or unintentionally amplifying information pollution, increased editorial bias, self-censorship, and an erosion of core journalistic principles. Thus, the ability to create in-depth, professional public-interest journalism has been curtailed, further eroding trust in traditional media as a reliable source of information. All of this can become even more pronounced in contentious political processes such as elections.
10. Capacity of Electoral Management Bodies
EMBs are often under-resourced, unprepared, and not sufficiently capacitated, and can lack the structures and mechanisms to meet the challenge of election-related information manipulation. This can leave EMBs ill-equipped to safeguard the integrity and transparency of elections, particularly when those processes are particularly contentious, strategic, or politically complex. Safeguarding information integrity in elections, in an increasingly complex information landscape, requires appropriate capabilities, dedicated activities, and a commitment to resourcing. EMBs are often obliged to redirect resources from other aspects of election organization to protect the integrity of the process and the EMB themselves from online political attacks.
Building Up Guardrails Against Election dis/misinformation
Recommended actions for electoral stakeholders by UNDP’s Action Coalition on Information Integrity in Elections:
Online Platforms
- Publish detailed election strategies for 2024. These should provide a full spectrum of the tools which will be employed, and the procedures for oversight, transparency, and accountability.
- Do not treat elections as discrete events, but rather, from an electoral cycle perspective, with pre-emptive interventions to prevent information pollution and post-election strategies designed to respond to electoral complaints and outcomes.
- Establish relationships with EMBs, electoral support organizations and civil society early in the electoral cycle to develop effective partnerships.
- Respond in a timely way to support requests from EMBs and dedicate sufficient staff to respond adequately. Ensure that EMBs have information on how to raise concerns or violations and are aware of the support available to them.
- Before, during and after elections, actively promote and boost non-political civic and voter education content from public interest media, EMBs and civil society sources.
- Work in close collaboration with the international electoral support community to identify online dangers, particularly in high-risk elections and in less developed countries, regardless of market size.
- Contribute to pre-emptive, participatory, conflict-sensitive analyses of local contexts and information landscapes in advance of elections.
- Respond rapidly, in accordance with policies, to accounts, networks and content that actively propagate false or misleading information about the administration of elections, incite political violence or threaten election officials.
- Develop and test systems to identify and label AI-generated written and audiovisual content created through third-party tools.
- Recognize the importance of local languages and cultural contexts in content moderation, and partner with fact-checking organizations, civil society groups and local experts to address these gaps.
- Ensure consistent real-time monitoring across all elections, not just those in strategically important markets.
- Provide rapid and equal data access for election researchers, civil society, independent media, and election monitors, regardless of their geographic location. Refrain from restricting application programming interfaces (APIs) or putting data behind unaffordable paywalls.
Electoral Management Bodies [IHEC in the case of Iraq]
- Develop strategies and build capacity to defend EMBs, their staff and the electoral process from unfounded attacks.
- Undertake or support monitoring to identify disinformation threats and integrate relevant messaging into strategic communications and voter education initiatives.
- Build diverse, inclusive, and solution-oriented national coalitions, including with trusted information sources such as public interest media and online content creators, regulatory bodies, women’s and youth organizations, and other stakeholders.
- Establish relationships with internet companies early in the electoral cycle, in coordination with media and telecommunications regulators as appropriate, in order to plan effectively, communicate concerns and risks, and agree on measures to be taken. Requests could include responding to inauthentic behavior online, boosting official impartial information, and partnering with civil society, fact-checking organizations, and independent media.
- Establish and maintain a multi-skilled and diverse communications team. Staff should be inclusive of the societies they serve, including women and representatives from ethnic and religious groups, linguistic minorities, indigenous people, youth, and people with disabilities. This will facilitate a greater ability to design interventions that adequately respond to the concerns of the community and, therefore, build trust in the work of the EMB.
Governments and media regulatory authorities
- Develop codes of conduct for political parties and candidates, including comprehensive guidelines on the ethical use of social media during elections. Codes can be voluntary, non-binding or mandatory, but should allow for a political party to take responsibility for any violations.
- Develop codes of conduct for media and content creators, including bloggers, talk show hosts, social media influencers and podcast producers, to ensure they are held to similar journalistic standards and are working to protect fundamental human rights, including freedom of expression and access to information.
- In light of increased online campaigning by many political parties and candidates, consider measures to provide transparency and oversight of online political campaign expenditure to reduce abuses, manipulation of voters and corruption.
- Increase intergovernmental efforts to develop measures, in line with international human rights law, to hold political actors and major architects of information pollution accountable.
- Strengthen legal frameworks and policies supporting information integrity and promoting positive and tolerant speech and accurate information. The regulation of free expression and restrictions on free speech should be limited to speech that is prohibited under international law.
Media and news outlets and associations
- Develop principles and guidelines for covering elections, based on human rights, including practical provisions protecting the rights to freedom from discrimination, freedom of opinion and expression, and freedom of association and of peaceful assembly.
- Ensure that media professionals have the basic tools to cover elections responsibly, including knowledge of electoral processes and critical information regarding electoral regulations, laws, and processes.
- Encourage the creation of media networks and partnerships with respected fact-checking entities for collective fact-checking during elections and to ensure consistency of electoral content. Create efficient mechanisms for media synergy such as situation rooms to allow journalists from diverse outlets to efficiently share coverage of election-related events.
- Provide resources and support for journalists who are disproportionately targeted by disinformation campaigns while reporting on elections, due to their gender, ethnicity, religion, or other factors.
- Encourage investigative reporting on online platforms’ performance during election cycles and on tracking and establishing the veracity of content, including identifying possible AI-generated content.
- Collaborate with fact-checkers and researchers to understand and expose tactics used by disinformation operations and to highlight internet companies’ shortcomings.
- Participate actively in multi-stakeholder coordination mechanisms combating information pollution
International electoral support partners
- Advocate for more pre-emptive, international assistance before information pollution campaigns are mobilized and have begun to spread.
- Conduct or support thorough mapping of information landscapes and assessments of existing local stakeholder capacity and coordination mechanisms for information integrity program.
- Support effective, coordinated and action-oriented coalition building of stakeholders, including EMBs, election monitors and observers, media, representatives from technology companies, relevant government officials and security forces. Responses to threats should be timely and coordinated, with policies and strategies in place ahead of time.
- Improve knowledge of strategies used to silence and intimidate individuals and groups, such as women and minorities, including political candidates, journalists, and election officials, who can be disproportionately affected by harassment and threats. Develop urgent measures to respond to these threats and support those impacted.
- Invest further in research to explore the potential positive uses of technology and social media in elections in various contexts, including the potential of Artificial Intelligence to empower independent journalism, identify and remove harmful content, and deliver targeted voter education content
Explainer
Eligibility Criteria for the 2024 Parliamentary Elections
Candidates must meet the following criteria:
- They must be citizens of the Kurdistan Region,
- At least 25 years old,
- Literate, and
- Free from any convictions for murder, morality, integrity, or theft.
- Additionally, candidates must not have been involved in any crimes associated with the former Ba’ath regime.
STATISTICS: 1,198 candidates have registered for this session of the Kurdistan Parliament. The IHEC is gearing up for the election.
Source: IHEC reported by CHANNEL8. Read More.
Map of Voters & Polls
Public Votes:
Number of total polls across the 4 constituencies: 1266
Voting stations: 6318
Private Votes:
Number of TOTAL polls: 165
Voting stations: 749
Total number of eligible voters: 2899578
Public: 215960
Private: 2683618
Source: CHANNEL8. Read More.
Reference
- International IDEA. “Elections, Electoral Systems and Party Systems: A Resource Guide.” International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA, 2017, Elections, Electoral Systems and Party Systems: A Resource Guide (idea.int)
- Kurdistan Parliament. “2021 | Kurdistan Parliament – Iraq,” https://www.parliament.krd/english/parliament-business/legislation/2021/.
- “Party List Proportional Representation,” https://www.electoral-reform.org.uk/voting-systems/types-of-voting-system/party-list-pr/.
- Kurdistan Regional Government. “Kurdistan Regional Government Agenda,” 2019, https://gov.krd/english/government/agenda/.
- CHANNEL8 English. “Iraq’s Federal Court annuls Kurdistan elections law amendment.” February 21, 2024, Iraq’s Federal Court annuls Kurdistan elections law amendment – CHANNEL8
- CHANNEL8 English. “Election commission reveals details on upcoming polls.” March 4, 2024, Election commission reveals details on upcoming polls – CHANNEL8
- CHANNEL8 English. “The Federal Supreme Court of Iraq dismisses KRG PM’s election complaint.” May 21, 2024, The Federal Supreme Court of Iraq dismisses KRG PM’s election complaint – CHANNEL8
- UNDP. “PROMOTING INFORMATION INTEGRITY IN ELECTIONS: GLOBAL REFLECTIONS FROM ELECTION STAKEHOLDERS.” Promoting Information Integrity in Elections_Global Reflections from electoral stakeholders_final_0.pdf (undp.org)